Shortly after GULF WAR (G.W) thousands of WAR veterans referred with sign and symptoms of an unknown disease called G.W illness. Despite multiple studies undertaken by several non-governmental and governmental centers this illness remains unclassified and can not be coded by international classification of disease (I.C.D). The etiology has not been found and the illness appears to be multifactorial and basically related to use of depleted uranium (D.U) weapons, chemical WARfare (C.W) and biological agents. This article reviews this illness and the adverse effects of D.U and B.c.W agents in the G.W battlefields.

The political developments of the late 18th century and the British reaction against them, marked the beginning of a new era in the political and social life in the PERSIAN GULF and its neighboring areas. This era began with Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798 and ended with conclusion of a teary called "General Treaty of Peace" in 1820. The result of these developments was consolidation of the British political power in the PERSIAN GULF. Little attention has been paid by internal studies to the developments of this era and the main actor of its events, namely, "Mirza Mehdi Alikhan", since he was the main designer and practitioner of the British foreign policy at this time.The present article proceeds to analyze the events of this era which is very important in the correct understanding of the British function in Iran and its neighboring areas.

With the allied invasion, the southern half of Iran became the scene of a large presence of British and American occupation forces. The negative consequences of the styling of foreign elements during all the years of WAR and even afterWARd affected these areas in various dimensions of their health. The negative consequences of the occupation of southern Iran, the health and healthcare system of this part of Iran suffered problems in various forms of shortage of medicines, equipment, and treatment staff, especially the spread of various infectious and communicable diseases. The article aims to examine the effects of World WAR II on the southern, southwestern, and eastern regions of Iran from 1939 to 1945 and its consequences in the spread of infectious diseases in these regions. The research with an analytical-historical method relies on the library method and is based on the study of the data of unpublished documents from the archives of the National Archives and Library Organization, medical and economic social publications, and various local and public newspapers of Iran during this period. The study of documents and publications shows that due to Allied restrictive policies and successive waves of famine and widespread malnutrition, epidemic diseases, and drug monopoly, these areas experienced a period of severe decline in public health and spread of various infectious diseases.

In the present article, the environmental impacts of the Iraq-Kuwait WAR (1991) on the ecological condition and fisheries resources of the northern part of the PERSIAN GULF, during years 2001-2002 were studied. The investigated area included the whole stretch of the Iranian domain of the PERSIAN GULF from northwestern waters of the Khuzestan province to northeastern waters of the Hormuzgan province. Petroleum hydrocarbons and oil-originated heavy metals of Ni, V, Pb and Cd were measured in water, sediment and fish tissue, and also various physicochemical parameters were analyzed and recorded in the summer and winter. Distribution pattern of Hopane (C29-C35) in sediment and demersal fish tissues were similar to that found in the Kuwait’s crude oil samples. The highest concentrations of TPH and PAH were recorded in the sediment samples from Khuzestan coasts (the closest Iranian province to the GULF WAR zone), their concentrations showed a decreasing trend eastWARd as distanced from Khuzestan. The concentration of Cd, Pb and Ni in the sediment samples was also found to be considerably higher than the global baseline value and that of RSA and ERL guidelines. Results indicated the presence of Kuwaiti crude oil in sediments as a Result of the PERSIAN GULF WAR (1991). On the basis of these results, the ecosystem of the PERSIAN GULF was exposed to long-term adverse environmental impacts by severe oil pollution.

The second PERSIAN GULF WAR can be called the first great international crisis after the cold WAR, which occurred in a sensitive and strategic area between a huge number of international celebrities and Iraq that was invading Kuwait’s land. The borderline disagreements between PERSIAN GULF countries comes from countries’ fights over the borders and it is considered as strategic developmental and significant goals for Iraq, Kuwait and Khouzestan in Iran. After failure at Khouzestan’s experience and its union to Iraq, it was natural for Iraq to go forWARd to conquer its second goal which was Kuwait. After Iran-Iraq WAR’s cease-fire big concerns surrendered Kuwait and other PERSIAN GULF countries about developmental politics. Iraq’s military powers and having the world’s fourth powerful army, financial problems with Arabic countries and Saddam’s threats, were the problems which had made the PERSIAN GULF area insecure in that era. On the other hand, the world that had known the PERSIAN GULF’s area as the heart of world’s energy after the cold WAR, was seeking to determine the destiny of the world’s power in this WAR. The US, after the loss of an equivalent competitor like the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was trying to prove its new role as new world order in a world that claims to form around only one superpower. The second PERSIAN GULF WAR was an ideal chance for America to not only improve its position toWARd its economic competitors like European Union and Japan, but also to harness the international changes, and as the guardian of Arabic countries that produce oil, from then be able to control the heart beats of world’s power and economy and at the end can rise as the world’s superpower with no competitor after the second PERSIAN GULF WAR.

There is no doubt that with the normalization of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after a long period of tension, one of the most key results of this agreement, that is, its impact on the security relations between Iran and the Arab world, and at the center of it, Iran and the PERSIAN GULF, is of particular importance. will be. Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, during the past years, have always been the scene of indirect confrontation between these two regional powers. But the question is, what is the reason for these tensions? What effect has the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia had on the continuation of this cold WAR, and more importantly, what effect will this informal understanding have on the economic, political and security-military dimensions of Iran and other PERSIAN GULF countries? Some believe that the tensions between the two countries are caused by the endangerment of the oil-economic interests of these countries, some believe that this fear is caused by the possible increase of Iran's influence in the region, and in the opinion of others, the Arabs are worried about America's tendency toWARds Iran and perhaps attention less the United States to them. But perhaps these reactions can be explained in the form of defensive realism and according to "Taliaferro" one of its four main assumptions, i.e., the "security enigma", by means of which, every action of a government to increase its security, on the part of governments The competitor is considered as a hostile action. The following article tries to answer this question by assuming that the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as a factor that caused the security puzzle in the relations between the Arab world and Iran, both before and after it was achieved.

Optimization of standard methods of marine compounds leads to acquire chitin and chitosan with highest purity from chitinous wastes and shells with extensive use in pharmaceutical and industrial applications. In this research, Litopenaeus vannamei and Portunus pelagicus shells were used as wastes to extract these valuable compounds. For this reason, two extraction methods were applied for chitin. The first method was deproteinization with 10%NaOH, demineralization with 15% HCL, degreasing with 15% NaOH and decoloration with aceton. While, the second method carried out applying decoloration first with 3% sodium hypochlorite, demineralization by 1M HCL and then deproteinization with 1M NaOH. Chitosan was extracted by deacetylation of acquired chitin. Results indicated that the percentage of extracted chitin from shrimp and crab shells in first method were 75. 3% and 58% and in second method were 30. 26% and 37. 8%, respectively. Therefore, the first extraction method was selected for chitosan isolation. The amount of chitin found in claw and legs of the crab was (58% ± 0. 07) and segments of shrimp body was (81% ± 0. 12) which was higher than the amount of chitin in carapace shells (P <0. 05). The percentage of extracted chitosan from shrimp and crab shells were 29. 3% and 31. 02%, respectively. The degree of deacetylation of chitosan obtained from chitinous shells of two species in this research were 45% (Shrimp shells) and 52. 63% (crab shells), respectively. Use of waste chitinous shells of shrimp and crab species will be useful for both remediation of wastes from environment and increment the manufacture of economically important marine products.

Evaluating the role of some Western-affiliated factors in the imposed WAR, especially the colonial identities of the PERSIAN GULF, in the formation and continuation of this WAR, reflects the inadequacies caused by the British colonial heritage in the periphery of Iran. The slogan of independence from the East and the West and the sheiks' reaction to the PERSIAN GULF region showed their reliance on supra-regional powers. The formation background of these colonial identities back to the weakness of the central authorities of the Islamic world in the 19 AD/13 AH century. Therefore, the survival continuity of these sheikhdoms formed based on the weak conditions of the Islamic world depends on the continuation of the same conditions. It is the behaviorology principle of some of Iran's neighbors in response to the independence and freedom slogans of the Islamic Revolution. Hence, the behavior and performance of the PERSIAN GULF sheikhdoms during the imposed WAR indicated their connection with Western colonialism. By examining historical documents, library studies, and analytical methods, the present study aimed to answer the fundamental question of ‘ what role did the colonial identity of the PERSIAN GULF sheikhdoms play in their behavior and action in the front of the imposed WAR? ’ The requirements arising from the colonial conditions in the contract of 1820 AD / 1235 AH, the continued formation of affiliated sheikhdoms, including Kuwait, in Iraq's relationship with the PERSIAN GULF, the sheikhdoms' economic and political dependence on Western nations played a decisive role in their policy toWARd the imposed WAR. These colonial conditions caused these sheikhdoms, with the direct and indirect support of Saddam Hussein, to practically expand the scope of conflict and insecurity in the PERSIAN GULF region.

Rheumatic symptoms were commonly described among soldiers who served in previous WARs. To describe the frequency of rheumatology consultations, along with the diagnoses, and abnormal results on serologic testing in GULF WAR veterans evaluated for GULF WAR SYNDROME. The medical records of the first 250 consecutive GULF WAR veterans referred to the comprehensive clinical evaluation program at Wilford Hall Air Force Medical Center and Brooke Army Medical Center, San Antonio, Tex, were reviewed for demographic characteristics and frequency of subspecialty consultations. A retrospective review of rheumatic diagnoses and the frequency of abnormal serologic test results was recorded. of the 250 GULF WAR veterans evaluated in the comprehensive clinical evaluation program, 139 (56%) were referred for rheumatology consultation, which was the most common elective subspecialty referral. Of the patients evaluated, 82 (59%) had soft tissue SYNDROMEs, 19 (14%) had rheumatic disease, and 38 (27%) had no rheumatic disease. The most common soft tissue SYNDROMEs were patellofemoral SYNDROME (33 patients [25%]), mechanical low back pain (23 patients [18%]), and fibromyalgia (22 patients [17%]). Of the 19 patients with rheumatic disease, 10 had osteoarthritis, 2 had rheumatoid arthritis, 2 had gout, and 1 each had systemic lupus erythematosus, Behcet disease, parvovirus arthritis, psoriatic arthritis, and hypothyroid arthropathy. Abnormal serologic test results were common among the GULF WAR patients regardless of the presence or absence of rheumatic disease. The rheumatic manifestations in GULF WAR veterans are similar to symptoms and diagnoses described in previous WARs and are not unique to active duty soldiers. Overall, the results of serologic screening were poor predictors of the presence of rheumatic disease.

U.S foreign policy interests in the Middle East and PERSIAN GULF region has always had three components: economy, security and politics. It is not overstated to stress the centrality of energy resources in the economic sector as a predominant factor. In this context, securing access to energy and the flow of oil become vital for world economic prosperity. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, added more impetus to the U.S security issues in the PERSIAN GULF. President Bush’s doctrine of “preemptive WAR” and “the global WAR on terror” placed the PERSIAN GULF region at the heart of his post-9/11 strategic vision. The Bush administration used the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington as a great opportunity to revamp the regional security by undertaking some drastic measures. The invasion of Iraq in March 2003, the idea of regime change in Iran as well as other American Neocons’ grandiose plans about the necessity to reshape the “Greater Middle East”, made governments in the region nervous. In addition, by giving prominence to the “security question” over all other considerations, the US policy plunged the region deeper into uncertainty.Washington has systematically tried, and to a large extent succeeded, to securitize the inter-state relations in the region. This approach combined with the NATO plan to further its regional partnership, made any significant rapprochement among the PERSIAN GULF states on the issue of security almost impossible. For these reasons, a collective regionally crafted security arrangement that includes littoral states of Iran, Iraq the countries of PERSIAN GULF Cooperation Council would be unattainable in a foreseeable future.